The eternal eve of an announced misfortune
Authentic birth of the mountains, the last change of minister delivered a definitive image of Kirchner’s last experience in power: governing makes them ashamed.
Neither the rigor of the forms nor the habit of customs serve to hide what its own protagonists strive to show. All or almost all would like to leave the place where they are, but they do not do so because it would mean activating a process with no return.
A collision between a designated president and a leader who reserved second place without handing over the supreme command was always inevitable
These intense days, between financial drowning, unbridled inflation and exposed mistrust, the country finds at first glance a president without an agenda and a vice president who uses her leadership to prepare a withdrawal, including parliamentary privileges.
A dismembered government, loaded with reciprocal misgivings and with its leaders imagining a different future separately, faces an economic precariousness that is accelerating in line with the lack of decision and political management.
Everything was written. A collision between a designated president and a leader who reserved second place without handing over the supreme command was always inevitable. It was also inescapable that in the face of the recurrent economic cataclysm, inaction peppered with old and failed populist recipes would not give any other result than a greater crisis that brings the country closer to a new explosion.
This deflagration has already begun, it is gradual and perhaps for that reason less virulent: poverty has increased and will continue to increase as inflation eats away at wages and production stops due to a lack of inputs priced in dollars.
Both processes still lack the final outcome. It didn’t happen that Alberto Fernandez tried to overshadow the chief with presidential power, but the failure of his management ended up becoming a repudiation of Cristina Kirchner like a desperate attempt not to get stuck to her own invention.
There are no longer decisive ministers on whom Cristina can blame
This last sequence, the fiasco of the management and the pushes of the vice president, led Fernández to a situation of abandonment only comparable with presidents who ended worse than bad.
There are no longer decisive ministers on whom Cristina can blame, the central managers of economic management have been withdrawn in less than a month, Matias Kulfas Y Martin Guzman. The one who was pushed by the vice president all the time was Fernández himself, now to the point of becoming responsible for a coup for his own benefit.
And that is where Cristina seems to hesitate and stop. Although in general she will also be dragged by the results of the Government, it will never be the same to enjoy the comfort of excusing herself before her foreign clientele and presenting failure as something alien than having to take charge of an institutional crisis caused by herself.
The ability to believe the implausible of a large part of the Christian militancy collaborates with the installation of the superstition that she presents every day as alien to her government in every action she takes.
The evidence, however, runs over more and more people. It is the same Cristina who now simulates distance that enabled the arrival of Silvina Batakis. The new Minister of Economy, without much background for the position, chooses to present herself as a Kirchnerist and tributary to her leadership, although at the same time she is forced to announce the purpose of sitting on the box and maintaining the agreement with the IMF .
In that move that took the President out of a lagoon of indecision, it was also Cristina who prevented Sergio Massa from staying with the entire Government in an exercise of authority that places her at the center of responsibility for what happens and stops happening in government.
Partner in the profits, enemy in the losses of a company that she herself created, Cristina tries to hide as much as possible a weakness that derives from repeating economic formulas that could only work when the State had more funds than it spent. Those times of the first Kirchnerism ended with her in her presidency, when the founder of her family saga was still alive. And she still can’t accept that time and circumstances change.
Cristina is still capable of projecting the mirage of being the only one who does politics and commands, even from silence and with her unappealable power of veto. It does not stop being the resplendent light of a sunset warned by the interested one of her.
Cristina is the first to warn that at the end of Alberto Fernández’s presidency it will be very difficult for the alliance he invented to continue in power. That is why she has no problem radicalizing her speech even against common sense and the narrow possibilities of maneuver to address the economic crisis that the ruling party has.
He hopes to stay with the hardest faction of Peronism and see if along the way he manages to maintain his leadership over other tribes, such as the governors’ union, the picketers’ league and the old trade union groups.
The movement that Perón invented is once again looking for someone to command it, and its members will define in the remainder of this year if they continue with Cristina or if they will cross the desert disintegrated.
One week ago, Jose Ignacio Lopez, endearing teacher of journalism, lamented the crack that separates Argentines with a phrase that would also serve to describe the situation of this ruling party on the run. He said: “There are basic things that have been lost: we have lost the ability to get excited together.”