An impromptu queen who never had an alternative plan
The improviser is not a mere illusionist of artifice; he is a virtuoso, less instrumental than intellectual, of danger – the essayist describes Paul Gianera–. And he is also an adventurer, close to the adulterer (eager for love affairs) and the gambler. Lost in the present, he tries to ignore the past and order the barely glimpsed future. His goal is for the accidental to become necessary.” In his extraordinary book brittle forms, Gianera explores this artistic procedure in musical geniuses such as Bach, Schubert and Coltrane, without forgetting that world literature has famous examples; in Argentina, without going any further, Cesar Aira he has dedicated himself to this vertigo – to this “lucid automatism” – with remarkable results. That attribute in art is, however, a serious flaw in politics. There one thing is an improviser –someone who is tackling the penalties every day– and another very different is an improviser, who makes a long-distance race and who after a while shows his intellectual precariousness and the consequent incompetence of him. This government is plagued by both species, but mainly by ideologically varnished adventurers who are lost in the absolute present and who aspire to the sublime, that is, to the accidental becoming necessary.. The Chavista disaster in Venezuela was not a carefully planned model, but an unlimited drift towards the abyss, operated by players without expertise or scruples, or too much doctrine. The “dogma” that they say they possess in Kirchnerism covers the conceptual gap they have: all internal and external management (the Casa Rosada and the Instituto Patria) is and will continue to be, contrary to all appearances, an improvised novel. But a poor quality novel. Because with that method works of art were also ruined; the author already said Hamlet: “The improvisations are best when they are prepared”. By the way, it is not a novelty that the presidential team is inventing the bridge as it goes along and that it is manufactured with disposable materials and in a dangerous zigzag. Less recognized is that the Egyptian architect is also lurching and clearly lacks a thoughtful and consistent economic program; if she had it, she would have imposed it a year ago with a tweet or a letter on Facebook, and in any case, she would have exhibited it alone in Olivos during last week’s agonizing encounters with her regent. His troop assumed that the queen of Juncal street had an articulated and miraculous plan, and that the ingrate disobeyed her: you’ll see, comrades, when the boss takes command, she’s the only one who has the post, moderation failed, look how he shot him from the lectern, how well he was with the metaphor of the pen, this afternoon he turned on Guzmán, now he enters the residence and sings four fresh ones, a new stage begins, the entire cabinet changes, What did Batakis say? Are we now neoliberals? I don’t understand a thing.
Cristina Kirchner, improvised empress of mere rhetorical cunning but skilful administrator of fear, was stuck in 2010
Cristina Kirchner, impromptu empress of mere rhetorical cunning but skilful administrator of fear, was stuck in 2010 and the devaluation of its political capital followed the exact course of the Argentine currency: it was then Tyson (a heavyweight) and today it is Horacio Accavallo (a flyweight); its old strengths and exuberances were supported by boxes fattened thanks to the super cycle of raw materials. With a huge fiscal imbalance and no sources of financing, with an obese and unviable State that she herself sponsored, with a scandalous bankruptcy of energy sovereignty, with strong international discredit and with the third or fourth inflation on the planet, the great Kirchnerist lady lacks currently of political power to apply radicalized ideas. What has truly radicalized was her weakness. And then the only thing she can do is deploy more moderate measures and apply fiscal corrections, to the horror of a childish militancy that she repudiates even the grocer’s accounts and that she does not even believe in the metric system. More modestly, the Pasionaria del Calafate discusses just at the table of three (the new triumvirate) how to ensure that Argentina does not fly through the air between now and September, and then improvises stories and silences to try not to get too attached to the essential table of cuts, while vehemently seeks that the crack clock stops at least in December of next year, when there will be another unhappy man in Rivadavia’s chair to pay the bills and receive the rejections. By the way, he has managed to get Alberto Fernández’s spokesmen to blame the world and the press for all the sorrows they have inflicted on us. This is how the peso bomb and the lack of dollars, superinflation and its consequent poverty were not produced by economic populism, managerial negligence or the neurotic manufacture of banknotes, but by the stubborn Ukrainian people who do not accept the invasion of their country and also journalism, which as anyone knows was the one who destabilized the fourth Kirchner government by emptying its first president of power and accusing his Minister of Economy of being “lukewarm”. The head of state’s spokeswoman accuses the media of “generating discouragement” and “hate speech”, as if an impoverished and exhausted population needed opinion columns to be depressed and to feel a black anger.
Populism tends to be quite rustic and usually follows the same path: first it keeps the savings of society, then it activates infinite taxes and in the end it focuses on broadcasting without pause. Some regimes of this type, however, have taken care of something that the latest generation of Kirchnerism does not quite believe in: fiscal balance. On the other hand, and so it goes, the Bolivian government is populist, but not stupid. If this schizophrenic governing coalition had taken care of the 0.4% deficit in Argentina that it inherited and that sincerity in tariffs that already covered 75% of the cost of service (a social sacrifice that caused Cambiemos to lose the elections), and had quickly awarded the Néstor Kirchner gas pipeline (the tender was already underway), while rescheduling the payments with the IMF, whose bureaucrats were porous about stretching deadlines; if when the plague arrived he had not fallen in love with the destructive eternal quarantine and had graduated public spending and avoided the runaway Silver Planall your current problems would have diminished considerably and this new windstorm of the commodities I’d be giving it a golden horizon right now. The paradox of the case is that it was precisely the errors and ideological prejudices of the “project” that disrupted that horizon, which would surely have allowed them to fortify their political power and from there enable their program of impunity, destroy the institutions and arm their dream single party regime. First it was necessary to improve the economy, then advance on the system. Once again: any economic occurrence requires a power of application; if it evaporates due to mistakes and blunders, only a few “workable ideas” can work, which are inexorably orthodox. And that are not far from the ones I outlined Martin Guzman. The kingdom of the improvised improvises right now, in this absolute present, a way out of its own mess. Without art or score –he never had one–, and with musicians who are out of tune on the deck; with the bitter vapor of the cold on the breath and the iceberg in sight.